{"id":41,"date":"2022-05-05T14:29:09","date_gmt":"2022-05-05T18:29:09","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/websites.emerson.edu\/cpla\/?p=41"},"modified":"2025-01-27T23:00:39","modified_gmt":"2025-01-28T04:00:39","slug":"the-ukraine-crisis-isnt-complicated-unless-youre-imperialist","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/orgs.emerson.edu\/cpla\/world\/the-ukraine-crisis-isnt-complicated-unless-youre-imperialist\/","title":{"rendered":"The Ukraine crisis isn\u2019t complicated\u2014unless you\u2019re imperialist"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

This article was first published in The Berkeley Beacon<\/a>.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

For weeks, college students have felt the distant-but-steady drumbeat of war, on the brink of what could be the bloodiest conflict since the 1940s. Yet, on our campus, the crisis has elicited little sense of alarm\u2014and worryingly few voices of condemnation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On the one hand, it might be unreasonable to expect art students to pay close attention to international affairs. Not everyone can be well versed in the long history of eastern European geopolitics, nor should everyone pretend to be. But you don\u2019t need a Ph.D. to see Russia\u2019s invasion of Ukraine for what it is.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I\u2019ve heard Emerson students, like any good college students, question whether we can believe what we\u2019re told. It can\u2019t be the whole story, can it? What if the narrative of Russian aggression is just sensationalism\u2014or worse, a fiction intentionally shaped by the media? What if Russia has a point\u2014aren\u2019t they threatened by Western encroachment into Eastern Europe? And the elephant in the room\u2014isn\u2019t it hypocritical to criticize Russia, when the United States has done so many things on its own?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For all the shades of gray in geopolitics\u2014and they exist in spades\u2014the crisis in Ukraine is relatively black-and-white. Simply put, we are witnessing shameless bullying on the world stage, a transparent bid of a once-great power to restore its pretensions of glory. And it is disingenuous, at best, to suggest it is anything else.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The idea that Moscow is, in any way, conducting genuine \u201cpeacekeeping\u201d by moving thousands of troops into Ukraine\u2019s breakaway regions is laughable. The so-called Donbas republics are already Russian puppet states in all but name, propped up by a not-so-secret contingent of Russian special forces<\/a> rather than having any popular legitimacy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Russia’s invasion of the Donbas is not about protecting Russian-language speakers or supporting political dissidents. It is about sending a message to Ukraine, and to the West\u2014\u201cwhat\u2019s ours is ours, and don\u2019t even think about stepping foot in our sandbox.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Russia has turned the clock back to the age of empires, and if that\u2019s not bad enough, it has cast itself in the role of the vengeful hero.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With the word \u201cimperialism\u201d having more currency today than ever before, it is difficult to grasp just how brazen Russia’s jockeying is. Moscow isn\u2019t merely seeking to exert its influence over Kyiv; it is trying to restore the old order of things. Once upon a time, the Russian Empire (and then the Soviet Union) controlled not only Ukraine, but also dozens of other countries and nationalities across eastern Europe and central Asia. Eventually, many would gain independence after the fall of the Soviet Union\u2014something Russian President Vladimir Putin once called \u201cthe greatest geopolitical catastrophe\u201d of the 20th century<\/a>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Therein lies the chip on Putin\u2019s shoulder. His generation saw Russia reduced from a superpower spanning half the globe to a country fractured, economically impotent, and surrounded by its enemies. The wave of democracy that swept Europe in the 1990s\u2014that saw the independence of Ukraine and so many other nations\u2014was built on, as Putin said on Monday<\/a>, the \u201cinjustices, lies, and outright pillage of Russia.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Putin is not acting out of geopolitical necessity or pragmatism. He seeks to restore the old Russian Empire, with Ukraine as its vassal and himself as its suzerain. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the same speech on Monday, Putin said that Ukraine has \u201cnever had stable traditions of real statehood\u201d\u2014a canard eerily reminiscent of 19th century Europeans, justifying their imperial adventures on the pretext of bringing political stability. He added that Ukraine has opted for \u201cmindlessly emulating foreign models\u201d\u2014i.e. those of the liberal, democratic West\u2014\u201dwhich have no relation to history or Ukrainian realities\u201d\u2014a reality, of course, that is determined by Russia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

None of this rhetoric is new. Russia has been actively undermining Ukrainian sovereignty for the past six years, when it unilaterally annexed Crimea and fostered separatist movements in the Donbas. Six years before that, Russia pulled the same trick on Georgia, by invading the country to prop up two Russian-backed separatist states (and committing ethnic cleansing of native Georgians in the process). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

In this context, Ukraine is just an extension of Putin\u2019s imperial project. And it seems like he is closer to succeeding than ever. On Wednesday evening, the Donbas republics formally requested Russian military intervention<\/a> to \u201chelp beat back\u201d Ukrainian forces in contested areas of the country. U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken said he expected the invasion to begin by Thursday morning<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Regardless of what happens in the next few weeks, the governments of the world\u2014those that believe in the rule of diplomacy and international law\u2014are arrayed against Moscow. Of course, this list includes the U.S. and its NATO allies, but it also includes countries who have suffered, and continue to suffer, the effects of imperialism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe must complete our recovery from the embers of dead empires in a way that does not plunge us back into new forms of domination and oppression,\u201d said Martin Kimani, Kenya\u2019s ambassador to the United Nations, in a fiery rebuke of Putin\u2019s aggression on Monday. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

His audience in the Security Council would not have lost the undertone of his address\u2014namely, that his country chafed under nearly a century of British colonial rule, and since then has been subjected to the the same \u201cneo\u201d-imperialistic machinations of foreign capitalism that have plagued other postcolonial African states. This context made Kimani\u2019s argument all the more forceful.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201c[Kenya] rejected irredentism and expansionism on any basis [after gaining independence from Britain], including racial, ethnic, religious or cultural factors,\u201d he said. \u201cWe reject it again today.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kimani is not the first to draw a line between Putin\u2019s argument and classic imperialist rhetoric. He points out, though, that Russia\u2019s \u201cyearning of integration\u201d with the Donbas is common to countries \u201cformed from empires that have collapsed or retreated.\u201d <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kimani also offers a voice from the margins of the Security Council, representing a small country with little vested interest in eastern European security other than its opposition to empire. Thus he proclaims with authority his opposition to \u201cthe trend … of powerful states, including members of this Security Council, breaching international law with little regard.\u201d He knows that every time the norms of international order are violated, the countries that end up paying the highest price are ones like his own.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

If all this isn\u2019t enough to draw the reproach of Western youth, what is the line? Will we wait until Russian troops march into Kyiv to install a pro-Moscow government to say that maybe Putin was on the wrong side all along? Or will it take something else\u2014perhaps if Russia moves on to the Baltic countries, three of the ex-Soviet states that Ukraine hoped to emulate in achieving NATO membership. Or is anything going on in eastern Europe just not worth caring about?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We find it so easy to condemn imperialism when it’s cooked up in our own front yard. College students, for example, rallied against the invasion of Iraq when it became clear that our government was acting not on their behalf, but on behalf of oil giants and the military-industrial complex. Not only did they recognize the Bush administration\u2019s cynical machinations, they felt their voices might have stopped the madness.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The imperialism perpetuated against Ukraine is different. It\u2019s far away, and chances are, it won\u2019t impact our lives too seriously. We can\u2019t hold an anti-war rally and hope Putin will back down. It\u2019s so much easier to look the other way, and it costs us nothing. But our detachment does not excuse our acquiescence.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

This article was first published in The Berkeley Beacon. 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